British Political Issue

Assess the imp exercise of the media on the word form and outcomes of a contemporary British policy-making issue. You should choose wizard of the issues c everyplaceed in the course.The Media, and its Influence on the Fortunes of policy-making LeadersIn a pluralist democracy, the media offer contribute a very powerful effect upon politics, so powerful in about instances that it squeeze out shape outcomes of fundamental political issues.Leadership of a society, therefore, is a precarious military posture to be in, owing to the persistent and pervasive line up out of saucilys paper, television, radio and the internet. Events surrounding Iain Duncan smiths reign as leader of the button-downs illustrate the utter most(prenominal) of this influence.Since the demise of spectrum scarcity in 1946, British politicians devote been continu exclusivelyy scrutinised by the media through television, newfounds text file and more recently the internet.Miltons 17th century concept of the immunity of the press has allowed independence from government manipulation and the mightiness to talk more frankly and freely about politicians. However, the impartiality of the in figation depends on the fair-mindedness of journalists and the editorial policy.In the first half of the 20th century, people used to attend political rallies where they heard the great politicians of the day. At smaller rallies other political voices could too be heard. Radio brought these debates into peoples houses.With the advent of television came a completely new dimension. Not only the voice of politicians were heard but their personalities were exposed too. It was not enough to be an able politician with excellent policies but Political figures had to be good on the box, in a sense actors.Kennedy and Nixons presidential collectablel in 1960 first exemplified the importance of image and style Kennedy was clean-s set aboutn, and had a clear charismatic phraseology.Nixon looked pale, un shaven and disorientated. His poor performance contributed to his election defeat. adept could say that politics has become that of a spectacle, staged to the minutes particular in order to attract and persuade voters.Technology has increased the immediacy and possible of the media, with 24-hour television channels and internet sites allowing faster dissemination of news. Localised party election meetings have been replaced by intricately crafted media events where self-image and sound bites are decisive for capturing the snapshot interest of the quite often-preoccupied British public.company politics have subsequently been diluted and reduced to simple slogans that can be verbalised in the shrinking cartridge holder available in the evening news.After the urge on lady left Downing Street in 1991, the Conservatives have struggled to regain two the image and the charisma of Margaret Thatcher. Her successor John Major was subject to the form of media scrutiny still affecting th e Conservative company today. In 1997, the normally.Tory dyed sunbathe had this headline during the build up to the general election -The Sun Backs Blair(The Sun,1997) although this swing in favour of Labour arose because of anticipation and previous dismay or else than political preference.In 2001, Duncan Smith was elected after the failure of William Hague to concern the Conservative Party and improve their chances in the general election.The opportunistic media criticised Thatchers al-Qaida pollard and fuel tax policies in the 1980s and left the Conservatives with a alternatively burdensome phantasm looming over them. Refusal to forget Thatchers legacy has meant that tabloid papers have continued to apply lowbred anti-Conservative personalisation increasing trivialisation and some elements of patronage towards Conservative MPs.John Major, William Hague, Iain Duncan Smith and more recently Michael Howard have all been victims of personalisation attributed to them chiefly by tabloids. John Major was the grey man- the avuncular shadow of Margaret Thatchers former self, William Hague was thehigh school debater, Iain Duncan Smith was the old-soldier, and Michael Howard is the dracula type according to Anne Widdecombe -the Shadow station Secretary.Perhaps the main reason for the prevailing criticism is the inability to play off the archetypal figure of Tony Blair. His TV personality, combined with his great technical ability as an extempore speaker make him unrivalled.Up until Iain Duncan Smith was unseated, a frame of allegations were made about his conduct within office. He was alleged to have misused the parliamentary secretarial allowance by paying his wife.However, many believed him to be on his way out of office anyway, and that the claims were inconsequential to the credentials of his position. This is perhaps, exemplifies an attempt to frame Smith. Budges framing theory emphasises the way in which the media can influence politics and the way in which people see and discover it.Fast-forward syndrome is a common occurrence in modern politics due to the fast, free flowing information that is available world-wide. Issues change throughout the course of time, affected by crucial events, which can eventually be placed to rest when new information is discovered.An example of this is the perpetual real time coverage of the Iraq war. Newspapers said Conservative prospects were promising chthonic Howards leading, when only hours ago under Smith, they had been beyond repair. Optimism however can be premature in politics, as Iain Duncan Smith can testify.When he triumphed over Ken Clarke in family 2001, the media claimed he was the man to resurrect the Tories and compete with Labour Baroness Thatcher called him a book young man with exceptional potential(Thatcher,2001). Unfortunately for the Tories, September eleventh distracted attention away from Duncan Smiths introductory campaign.Scotland on Sunday similarly revealed pre cautionary optimism by saying Any democrat, regardless of political hue, should take the rebuilding of the parliamentary opposition into an incisive and effective team.(Scotland on Sunday,2003)A a some(prenominal) months down the line, he was criticised from all quarters including by members and ex-members of the party equal Anne Widdecombe, Michael Heseltine and Crispin unmannerly.Blunt resigned because he believed that Smith was a handicap to the party Blunt of course was unaware that his comment would lead to a bombardment of insults in his direction -even from Duncan Smith critics. Thatcher concluded by lamenting the ineptitude of Smith calling him the worst leader in the hitarradiddle of the Conservative Party(Thatcher,2003). Broadsheets and tabloids emphasised the remark, which would mark the end of Smiths reign as leader.A warm amount of newspaper coverage in the past three months was aimed at the Conservative Party, its ministerial fallouts and declining popularity. Du ncan Smith questioned party verity and urged MPs to unite or die. After the overacted performance of Smith at the Conservative Party Conference in October 2003, even right of centre broadsheets like the mundane Telegraph started denouncing him, predicting his resignation within weeks(Riddell, 2003).It was the most desperate day in the history of the Conservative Party (Riddle, 2003). One of the papers to retain its unwaveringty was The Sun who criticised the backstabbing Tories for squandering time and urged them to continue denouncing the government.Left wing opposition has arisen in the form of tabloids such as the Daily Mirror, who sloganised the Conservative Partys cabinet decrease strategy -which gives double the department office to some of the members.The Mirror mark them The Dirty dozen. The Mirrors main concern was that some MPs were given the responsibility of two departments instead of one, indicating perhaps less emphasis on important issues like Health and Educati on.Rupert Murdochs media ownership could have had an impact on the Conservative leadership. Owning The Sun, The Times, The News of the World and the Sunday Times -as well as 35.4 share of BskyB, means that he is extremely powerful.He was a staunch Tory assistant in the 80s and 90s and has shifted his opinion of the leaders recently until the recent appointment of Michael Howard. Murdochs position was cautious, but nevertheless significant in terms of media influence. We will have to see how the Tory front bench looks, Murdoch told BBC television on Friday.Although he was anti Euro, Murdoch at times backed Blairs Government, exemplifying the alternating ideological influences of media moguls over issues like party leadership.Failure to project his authority in the Commons was one of Smiths natural downfalls and perhaps undermines the argument that the media were responsible for his dismissal.In comparison with new leader Michael Howard, he did not have the ability to alter his wor ds while changing the mood of the house (Fraser Nelson, 2003). Nelson also points out the link differences in the chamber atmosphere Smith would encourage a few mumbled utterances from his backbenchers, whereas Howard managed to gain a rumbustuous approval in his duel with Blair Prime Ministers oppugn Time.Michael Howard has already claimed BBC approval for his debating skills in the chamber for example, his fight against excessive byplay beaurocracy and taxes, his clash with Blair over the conduct of Childrens Minister Margaret HodgeA recent Guardian poll suggested that the Conservatives still lagged behind Labour on 38%(The Guardian, 2003).The alternating and sometimes contradictory multiplicity of facts displayed by left and right wing papers will no doubt have an effect on their loyal readership. However because these statistics only represent part of our democratic society and could be manipulated, the publics attitude to the leadership of the Conservative Party could be misd irected.Instead of canvas representing the publics attitude -Reinforcement Theory(Budge, 1998)- they might shape it into the image presented by the media rather than by theirs -Agenda Setting Theory(Budge, 1998). Peoples opinions are changeable. Human beings think and act in crowds as well as individually, and if newspapers give the impression that most people have a particular viewpoint their willingness to have a more open mind can be affected.If a political party then makes mistakes and gains a reputation, not only will it find it difficult to detach itself from the previous deficiencies, but also it will needs be further damaged with the growth of investigative journalism. The issue of Iain Duncan Smiths leadership downfall therefore was not solely influenced by the media, but was a result of perennial antagonism against an ailing party.The initial optimism of Michael Howards leadership could derogate when he gets involved in policy confrontation, and the media continue with their routine cynicism -which can influence the publics opinion on party leadership.REFERENCESUnknown Authorship, Scotland on Sunday, 2001Fraser Nelson, Scotland on Sunday, 2003Margaret Thatcher, Daily Mail, September, 2001Margaret Thatcher, Daily Mail, September, 2003Peter Riddell, The Times,2003Budge I, 2001, The New British Politics(Second Edition), Media Theories, Longman 2001, page 294-297Unknown Authorship, 2003, http//uk.news.yahoo.com/031114/325/edzpq.html visited on the 19/11/03WEBOGRAPHYhttp//politics.guardian.co.uk/conservatives/story/0,9061,947736,00.html visited on the 23/11/03http//politics.guardian.co.uk/conservatives/story/0,9061,1083855,00.html visited on the 23/11/03http//quickstart.clari.net/qs_se/webnews/wed/cd/Ubritain-politics-analysis.RJbq_DOT.htmlhttp//news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3225615.stm visited on the 24/11/03http//news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3161070.stm visited on the 20/11/03http//news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/2408891.stm visited on the 16/11 /03http//news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/wales/3223185.stm visited on the 17/11/03http//politics.guardian.co.uk/polls/story/0,11030,1088270,00.html visited on the 29/11/03BIBLIOGRAPHYNegrine, R, (1989) Politics and the Mass Media in Britain(second edition), Routledge, LondonBudge, I., Crewe, I., Mckay, D., Newton, K., 2001, The New British Politics(Second Edition). Longman 2001, pages 299-307